A note on Proto-Burmese-Lolo prefixation
In an early (1939) study of K[anburi] L[awa], the writer pointed out that this deviant BL language has initial 1- for PBL *s-: le 'fruit' < *sey, lak 'tree' < *sik (cf. lla 'neck' < *lire), as well as for PEI, *z-: ID- 'child' < *za (cf. • ...
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| Format: | Article |
| Language: | English |
| Published: |
2024
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| Subjects: | |
| Online Access: | https://hdl.handle.net/10356/178665 |
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| Institution: | Nanyang Technological University |
| Language: | English |
| Summary: | In an early (1939) study of K[anburi] L[awa], the writer
pointed out that this deviant BL language has initial 1- for
PBL *s-: le 'fruit' < *sey, lak 'tree' < *sik (cf. lla 'neck'
< *lire), as well as for PEI, *z-: ID- 'child' < *za (cf. •
'five' < *RE), contrasting with d- for *s- in dory 'three' <
*sum (cf. yuq 'house' < *yarsi, with *u maintained after *y.-);
also th- for *ts-: than 'elephant' < *tsail,as well as for *A-:
,-a-tha 'fish' = 'fish-flesh' (this compound often found in TB
vocabulary lists under 'fish') < *La. Note 17 'fish' < *nya
and -tha 'flesh' < *6a, contrasting with aa 'five' < *LA and
1D- 'child' < *za, exactly paralleling the development (STC:
54) shown by Lakher [Kuki-Naga] a! 'fish' and sa 'flesh', con-
trasting with pro 'five' and so 'child'. |
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