汉语关系从句的习得 : 基于马来西亚汉语及马来语双语使用者的研究 = Acquisition of Chinese relative clauses : a study of Chinese-Malay bilingual Malaysian
关系从句(Relative clause)一直是语法研究中的热门课题。Keenan & Comrie(1977)在 50 种语言的基础上探讨不同语言在关系化各个语法位置的名词短语上的差异,总结出 “名词短语可及性等级序列” (NPAH)。该研究激发了大量相关研究。然而据笔者考察,前人不曾研究汉语与马来语双语使用者的汉语关系从句习得情况。本文将以马来西亚华文独立中学和国民中学华族学生为研究对象,探讨二者在汉语关系从句习得上的区别,从而推测马来语是否影响马来西亚双语者对汉语关系从句的习得。本次调查采用句子合并测验,测试中心语位于主句主语位置的五种 RC 类型,分别为 SU、DO、IO、OB...
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sg-ntu-dr.10356-734032019-12-10T12:02:28Z 汉语关系从句的习得 : 基于马来西亚汉语及马来语双语使用者的研究 = Acquisition of Chinese relative clauses : a study of Chinese-Malay bilingual Malaysian 陈淑琪 Tan, Siok Khee Lin Jingxia School of Humanities and Social Sciences DRNTU::Humanities 关系从句(Relative clause)一直是语法研究中的热门课题。Keenan & Comrie(1977)在 50 种语言的基础上探讨不同语言在关系化各个语法位置的名词短语上的差异,总结出 “名词短语可及性等级序列” (NPAH)。该研究激发了大量相关研究。然而据笔者考察,前人不曾研究汉语与马来语双语使用者的汉语关系从句习得情况。本文将以马来西亚华文独立中学和国民中学华族学生为研究对象,探讨二者在汉语关系从句习得上的区别,从而推测马来语是否影响马来西亚双语者对汉语关系从句的习得。本次调查采用句子合并测验,测试中心语位于主句主语位置的五种 RC 类型,分别为 SU、DO、IO、OBL 及 GEN。本研究主要发现:(一)DO RC 是马来西亚的马来语母语使用者唯一能接受的RC 类型;(二)马来西亚双语者对汉语 RC 的习得难度部分支持 NPAH,即“SU>DO”;(三)双语环境不会对双语者的汉语关系从句习得造成显著影响,但汉语水平较高的受试者比汉语水平较低的受试者更能掌握 IO 及 OBL RC;(四)马来西亚双语者对 IO 和 OBL RC 的习得不完整。 Relative clause (RC) has always been a key topic in the linguistic field. Keenan & Comrie (1977) proposed “Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy” (NPAH) based on an investigation of the RCs in 50 languages. The study has since triggered a significant number of studies on RCs. However, no study has been carried out on the acquisition of Chinese RCs by Chinese and Malay bilinguals, and whether Malay plays a role in the acquisition. In order to fill the gap, this study collects data from two groups of Malaysian Chinese ---- students from Chinese independent schools and government schools respectively ---- and examines their differences in acquiring Chinese RCs. This study tests five types of RCs from the NPAH, that is, SU (subject), DO (direct object), IO (indirect object), OBL (oblique) and GEN (genitive) relative clauses with their head nouns in the subject positions of a matrix sentence. The main findings of the study are: (1) unlike previous studies on RCs in Malay, DO RC is the only type of RC that is accepted by Malay L1 speakers in Malaysia; (2) The difficulty order of Chinese RCs reflected in the data collected from Malaysian bilinguals, that is “SU>DO”, partially supports NPAH; (3) the bilingualism in Malaysia has shown little impact on Chinese RC acquisition in bilinguals, but the participants with higher level of Chinese language competence perform better in IO and OBL RCs than the participants with lower level of Chinese language proficiency; (4) Malaysian bilingualists’ acquisition of IO and OBL RCs is incomplete. Bachelor of Arts 2018-03-12T07:22:29Z 2018-03-12T07:22:29Z 2018 Final Year Project (FYP) http://hdl.handle.net/10356/73403 zh Nanyang Technological University 51 p. application/pdf |
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DRNTU::Humanities 陈淑琪 Tan, Siok Khee 汉语关系从句的习得 : 基于马来西亚汉语及马来语双语使用者的研究 = Acquisition of Chinese relative clauses : a study of Chinese-Malay bilingual Malaysian |
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关系从句(Relative clause)一直是语法研究中的热门课题。Keenan & Comrie(1977)在 50 种语言的基础上探讨不同语言在关系化各个语法位置的名词短语上的差异,总结出 “名词短语可及性等级序列” (NPAH)。该研究激发了大量相关研究。然而据笔者考察,前人不曾研究汉语与马来语双语使用者的汉语关系从句习得情况。本文将以马来西亚华文独立中学和国民中学华族学生为研究对象,探讨二者在汉语关系从句习得上的区别,从而推测马来语是否影响马来西亚双语者对汉语关系从句的习得。本次调查采用句子合并测验,测试中心语位于主句主语位置的五种 RC 类型,分别为 SU、DO、IO、OBL 及 GEN。本研究主要发现:(一)DO RC 是马来西亚的马来语母语使用者唯一能接受的RC 类型;(二)马来西亚双语者对汉语 RC 的习得难度部分支持 NPAH,即“SU>DO”;(三)双语环境不会对双语者的汉语关系从句习得造成显著影响,但汉语水平较高的受试者比汉语水平较低的受试者更能掌握 IO 及 OBL RC;(四)马来西亚双语者对 IO 和 OBL RC 的习得不完整。 Relative clause (RC) has always been a key topic in the linguistic field. Keenan & Comrie (1977) proposed “Noun Phrase Accessibility Hierarchy” (NPAH) based on an investigation of the RCs in 50 languages. The study has since triggered a significant number of studies on RCs. However, no study has been carried out on the acquisition of Chinese RCs by Chinese and Malay bilinguals, and whether Malay plays a role in the acquisition. In order to fill the gap, this study collects data from two groups of Malaysian Chinese ---- students from Chinese independent schools and government schools respectively ---- and examines their differences in acquiring Chinese RCs. This study tests five types of RCs from the NPAH, that is, SU (subject), DO (direct object), IO (indirect object), OBL (oblique) and GEN (genitive) relative clauses with their head nouns in the subject positions of a matrix sentence. The main findings of the study are: (1) unlike previous studies on RCs in Malay, DO RC is the only type of RC that is accepted by Malay L1 speakers in Malaysia; (2) The difficulty order of Chinese RCs reflected in the data collected from Malaysian bilinguals, that is “SU>DO”, partially supports NPAH; (3) the bilingualism in Malaysia has shown little impact on Chinese RC acquisition in bilinguals, but the participants with higher level of Chinese language competence perform better in IO and OBL RCs than the participants with lower level of Chinese language proficiency; (4) Malaysian bilingualists’ acquisition of IO and OBL RCs is incomplete. |
author2 |
Lin Jingxia |
author_facet |
Lin Jingxia 陈淑琪 Tan, Siok Khee |
format |
Final Year Project |
author |
陈淑琪 Tan, Siok Khee |
author_sort |
陈淑琪 Tan, Siok Khee |
title |
汉语关系从句的习得 : 基于马来西亚汉语及马来语双语使用者的研究 = Acquisition of Chinese relative clauses : a study of Chinese-Malay bilingual Malaysian |
title_short |
汉语关系从句的习得 : 基于马来西亚汉语及马来语双语使用者的研究 = Acquisition of Chinese relative clauses : a study of Chinese-Malay bilingual Malaysian |
title_full |
汉语关系从句的习得 : 基于马来西亚汉语及马来语双语使用者的研究 = Acquisition of Chinese relative clauses : a study of Chinese-Malay bilingual Malaysian |
title_fullStr |
汉语关系从句的习得 : 基于马来西亚汉语及马来语双语使用者的研究 = Acquisition of Chinese relative clauses : a study of Chinese-Malay bilingual Malaysian |
title_full_unstemmed |
汉语关系从句的习得 : 基于马来西亚汉语及马来语双语使用者的研究 = Acquisition of Chinese relative clauses : a study of Chinese-Malay bilingual Malaysian |
title_sort |
汉语关系从句的习得 : 基于马来西亚汉语及马来语双语使用者的研究 = acquisition of chinese relative clauses : a study of chinese-malay bilingual malaysian |
publishDate |
2018 |
url |
http://hdl.handle.net/10356/73403 |
_version_ |
1681046836116193280 |